February 8, 2023

It was the culmination of a democratic movement that began with the 1991 Colombian constitutional reform and extends through the 2016 peace accords that ended the decades-long conflict between that country’s government and the Marxist-Leninist Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), a struggle in which documents filed About her newly secretive, in which the United States played a role key role. On June 19, Gustavo Petro defeated far-right demagogue Rodolfo Hernandez to become Colombia’s first player. center left head. Francia Marquez Mina, Vice President of Petro, will serve as the country’s first black Vice President. The pair got more votes than any card in the nation’s history. The Colombian people in the streets of Bogota celebrated the former guerrilla fighter vow To represent “that silent majority of peasants, indigenous people and women [and] youth ‘while speak Against the background of its textEl Cambio is a secluded(“Change is unstoppable”).

The Petro victory, which followed similar left-wing victories in Chile, Honduras and, to a lesser extent, Peru, signals a broader pendulum swing within Latin America reminiscent of the “pink tide” of the early periods. For a Biden administration that often bases its foreign policy around the dangers of authoritarianism, this political shift may seem like a positive development. But given that these states’ interests often conflict with those of Washington in an increasingly multipolar world, the administration’s support for this democratic wave remains ambiguous, even as Biden himself has emphasized the importance of strengthening the rule of law at home and abroad. Now, as Brazil prepares to hold a presidential election in October amid a threat Autoglob (“self-coup”) by increasingly dictatorial Jair Bolsonaro and a possible return to military rule, Biden must decide whether he is committed to demonstrating that democracies can provide for their citizens, because confirmed at the Summit of the Americas in Los Angeles earlier this month, or whether he sees the term “democracy” as little more than a slogan, essentially devoid of meaning.

“One can imagine John F. Kennedy saying these kinds of things in 1962,” says modern Latin American historian Robert Carle of Biden’s last speech. “After sixty years of anti-democratic behavior, it’s becoming a bit hard to swallow, especially at this moment when the state of American democracy is so fragile.”

Under a different kind of democratic administration, Carl asserts, Washington might take steps to avoid alienating the Petro government into the orbit of China or Russia. But Biden is a different animal. While Petro’s acknowledgment of the unique threats posed by climate change aligns with warnings issued by the US president while promoting the rebuilding better agenda, the Colombian leader’s pledge to scale back his country’s actions. Reliance on fossil fuels Stopping any additional extraction could pose a serious challenge to Washington, especially since the Russian war in Ukraine shows no signs of abating. What is clear is that the US relationship with what was once its most reliable country in the region is likely to change. Less clear is how the Biden administration will respond to potential land-use reforms and drug bans — or how it will promote democracy in countries like Colombia.

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